Friday, 16 December 2016

‘So another Kriegie Xmas passes’: Christmas in Stalag Luft III

I recently read that handwritten Christmas cards are rapidly becoming scarcities. Emails, text messages and social media posts take precedence when exchanging festive greetings. I don’t have a smart phone so I won’t be sending and seasonal missives via text but I can certainly attest to the rarity of Christmas cards dropping into my post box. And when I sat down to compile my list of recipients—largely based on who sent me cards last year—I realised that I have a very short list. So, it seems, despite the care Hallmark and Co put into their designs, Christmas cards are becoming increasingly more irrelevant.




The first Christmas cards were created because of a commercial imperative. Apparently, back in the 1840s, one of the men who set up the British post office wanted to generate more custom so worked with an artistic friend to design a Christmas card. People adopted the practice and a new tradition developed, expanding to the United States by the end of the decade, and throughout Europe by the turn of the century. In 1915, with the establishment of the aforementioned Hallmark—still one of the world’s biggest card makers—commercialisation of seasonal greetings was well and truly entrenched.



Lifted from the Australian War Memorial https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/B02130/



451 Squadron Christmas card sent by Alec Arnel in 1943 to his sweetheart, Margery Grey. Courtesy of Alec Arnel.

Despite the commercial origins, exchanging Christmas cards became an important ritual and even Great War servicemen adopted it to send messages to their loved ones back at home. Those serving in the Second World War followed their lead in adopting this meaningful tradition. So important had it become to them that they couldn’t just abandon it because a fellow happened to fetch up in a prisoner of war camp in Germany. Of course, the prisoners—or ‘Kriegies’ as they dubbed themselves from the German kriegesgefangener (prisoners or war)—couldn’t pop out to the local greeting card purveyor to select something pretty to send home. Happily, ‘The Camp’, an English language newspaper, came to their rescue. Printed weekly in Berlin, ‘The Camp’ was distributed throughout the German prison camp network. Apparently—and I can’t verify this—it had a German editor, who was assisted by one or two ‘renegade Britishers’ and Calton Younger of Centre Compound, for one, considered it ‘an insidious form of propaganda’. It produced a number of Christmas cards for the allied prisoners of war.






Harold Fry sent this one to his fiancĂ©e in 1941 (she received it on 12 March 1942!). Courtesy of Pat Martin. 




Tony Gordon sent this one to his loved ones in 1942. Courtesy of Drew Gordon.



Al Hake, George Archer, Justin O’Byrne and Tom Leigh, all sent this image in 1942.  

‘Christmas’, for the Australian prisoners of war in Stalag Luft III, was not just confined to the moment they filled out the address on the back of a card. It was something that was on their minds for months. Appreciating how long how it took for mail to travel from Germany to Australia, Al Hake wished his wife, Noela, a merry Christmas in his 8 September 1942 letter. (He was in East Compound at the time but later moved to North Compound.) George Archer of East Compound started the count down on 13 November 1942. ‘Six weeks to Christmas’, and then on 20 December, ‘One week to Christmas’. Justin O’Byrne, a one-time denizen of Room 3, Block 64 , East Compound AKA Australia House’ looked to Christmas as a deadline for release, noting in an April 1942 letter, ‘I had great hopes of seeing London by August but still think that I will be there for Christmas—here’s hoping!!’ By 1 November, he realised this was naught but a pipe dream—for the time being: ‘My hope to be with you at Christmas will have to be postponed but I feel sure it won’t be long before we are all together again.’



George Archer at Oflag XXB Schubin, 1942. Courtesy of David Archer.

Justin—who had been a prisoner of war since August 1941—continued to think positively only to again have his hopes dashed. On 19 November 1943 he told his family ‘I had great hopes that I would be home for Christmas but no such luck’. But, he was still optimistic that he would be home by the next one. After a quiet Christmas in Stalag Luft III’s East Compound—enlivened by enough raisin wine ‘which we distilled and made a brew strong enough to give most of us a good “lift”’—and a New Year’s Eve where ‘we gathered round the piano and sang songs till midnight and then sang “Auld Lang Syne”’—Justin wished that ‘I can definitely say that I will see you all before the next one’. He maintained his optimism. Alluding in his 15 July 1944 letter to the recent D-Day operations and an apparent imminent release, he was ‘full of good cheer now that “the day” is near and will be seeing you all soon’.



Justin OByrne in better times. Courtesy of Anne OByrne.  

Justin was not alone in optimistically pinning his hopes on liberation ‘by Christmas’. It was perfectly natural to settle on a psychologically acceptable end date to confinement and given the importance of Christmas, it is not surprising that that was the day the majority focused on. In April 1943, ‘when Easter had come and gone’ Bert Comber—who was at the time in an Italian POW camp—‘realised how quickly the months slip by’ and thought that ‘perhaps Christmas will see me home’. Eleven months later, George Archer was thinking of his Uncle James who was approaching the ‘century mark’, and asked his parents to let his uncle know that he was ‘looking forward to seeing him around about Christmas 1944’. 




Bert Comber in Italy, 1942. Courtesy of  Cath McNamara.



In August that year, Colin Phelps of East Compound told his parents that ‘hopes of the war being over by Christmas are very high’. By November, however, ‘prospects of the war ending soon have receded at the moment. We once thought we might be back by Christmas’.

Not everyone looked to Christmas as the deadline for homecoming. On 6 February 1944, Justin O’Byrne told his family that ‘our choir is plugging away at Handel’s Messiah’. One of those contributing to that ‘excellent performance’ was North Compound’s Len Netherway. He had a fine singing voice and was one of the first tenors. Much as he enjoyed singing, he wouldn’t have been disappointed if he didn’t take the stage on opening night. ‘Hope we don’t get a chance to finish it’; his thoughts were firmly on their eventual liberation. The show, however, went on and the uplifting music was a far cry from Len’s renditions of ‘The Yodelling Bagman’ and ‘All Set and Saddled’ which featured at a kitchen tea at Quantong, Victoria, back in March 1941. Even so, it seems the overall result was a polished performance. According to the official history of RAAF operations in the Second World War, the choir’s ‘most ambitious’ project resulted in ‘an excellent performance’.




Len Netherway, Stalag Luft III, 1943.


Messiah program, 1944. Courtesy of Mike Netherway.

Despite his hopes of seeing Uncle James at Christmas time, George Archer was still in Stalag Luft III and, on 17 December 1944, instead of celebrating with family and friends, he was writing about the ‘very nippy’ weather and anticipating ‘a White Christmas’. The camp had suffered severe rationing for months but even so, he was planning a good celebration. ‘After many weeks of saving’ and scrimping enough ingredients to work with, ‘I made the Mess Christmas cake last week—14 lbs—From appearances it’s excellent and we now await the day to bash it’.

At 21 and a half pounds, Bruce Lumsden’s cake was bigger than George’s, but then, with 18 men in his mess in the Belaria Compound, it had to go further. But it was just as precious. Representing diligent scrounging and careful husbanding from Red Cross parcels, it included a chocolate D-bar, semolina, crumbled American biscuits, raisins, prunes, sugar, molasses, margarine, Klim powdered milk, four 4 cups of pre-cooked barley, a tin of orange juice, a spoonful of coffee, crumbled Reich bread and a pinch of salt. Iced cakes may have been long-banned in England, but not so in Stalag Luft III. ‘The cake was iced, of course’, recalled Bruce. ‘Loaf sugar was ground fine using a bottle as a roller. Then one pound of sugar was mixed with one pound of margarine and 4 ozs. of Klim to make an icing that spread easily and did not run.’ As if such culinary magnificence wasn’t enough. ‘For some reason that I cannot now explain, the cake was given a filling’, consisting of chocolate, sugar, molasses and margarine.




Bruce Lumsden, before Kriegiedom.




The recipe for the 21+ pound cake, recorded by Bruce Lumsdens roommate, Cy Borsht. Courtesy of Cy Borsht.  

East Compounds Harry Train, who had already had two Christmases in captivity, experienced his ‘first sober’ one in Germany in 1944. ‘The Group Captain gave parole that there would be no more brews and in any case food has been rather short for anything like that.’ (It seems that not everyone honoured Group Captain Wilson’s request. Canadian Ray Silver, in his memoir The Last of the Gladiators, recalled that they had ‘quite a bash’ on Christmas Eve after drinking their home made brew, and Welshman Ken Rees recorded in Lie in the Dark and Listen that on Christmas Day ‘we started on the hooch, complimented by a tiny amount of weak and tasteless beer supplied by the goons’.)



Harry Train in Sydney, pre-embarkation. Courtesy of Peter Mayo.

Instead of the (by now usual) half Red Cross parcels, ‘we went on to full parcels for Xmas week’. They were supplemented by the very welcome American parcels which ‘arrived in the nick of time’. Harry’s room shared the unheard of luxury of ‘six Xmas parcels and two ordinary ones’. Their festive spoils included 12 ounces of turkey and some Vienna sausages’ and Harry considered it ‘quite the best meal I have had in Germany’. Recognising that ‘one’s stomach shrinks or something’, Harry and his friends sensibly split their Christmas dinner over two meals ‘and coped all right, but most of the messes who kept it for one “ginormous” bash couldn’t finish the meal’. 




Contents of an American Christmas parcel, 1944.

Some managed to finish their meal, but they suffered for it. Bruce Lumsden recalled how his mess fell to the lure of tin plates ‘laden with a repast that seemed royal to our starving eyes for its abundance and to our unaccustomed palates for its tantalising flavours’. He and his friends could not help but give into gluttony, even when they ‘began to receive internal warnings’ that they would have to pay for it. ‘For months we had not tasted tea, and so a mug of hot, strong Orange Pekoe tea was the fitting climax. But hardly was it drunk, before one after another was seized with severe pains and gripping cramps, and, struggling away from the table, each man climbed painfully into his bunk where he lay writhing and groaning.’ Despite their agony, it had been worth it. ‘There were pains, but there were no complaints.’




Bruce Lumsden post-Christmas bash with full tummy. Courtesy of Margaret and Jamie Bradbeer.

Syd Wickham’s mess were not as diligent as George Archer and Harry Train at saving for future feasts. They tried hard, ‘through economic use of food by community sharing’ and ‘usually had a small reserve for Christmas or special occasions’ but they often had to raid the stores when parcels were scarce. When their reserves were almost depleted, they called a meeting to decide whether they would ‘eat the precious remaining morsels or re-ration to extend it for another few days’, thus scotching plans for any prospective big bash. They never got as far as voting because Les Dixon ‘usually came out with the only religious quotation I ever heard from him “let us eat it now, The Lord Will Provide”’. And so, they put their trust in God ‘because he was so persuasive. Miraculously within a day or two the Lord fulfilled his promise, new parcels would arrive’.



Syd Wickham, Stalag Luft III, 1942.

Les might have had an ulterior motive for wanting to eat everything at once. Some time ago, in another camp where conditions were even worse and rationing even direr, Les had been saving up a potato for his birthday, because, according to Justin O’Byrne, it was ‘something to look forward to’. Every time he came across a bigger one, he swapped it, and ate the smaller one because ‘he wanted to celebrate it by having a bigger potato’. Les was desperately counting the days down until he could savour his birthday treat when a fellow prisoner, not realising that ‘thou shalt not steal’ was perhaps the key Kriegie commandment, swiped it and ate it. ‘It was the unforgiveable thing for anyone to steal anything else from a fellow prisoner.’ Justin O’Byrne recalled Les’ reaction: ‘…the ferocity that Les used on showing his anger at having lost his potato! He got [the thief] down, and we had to physically drag him away from his throat, because of his anger in this man doing such a dastardly thing’. Without condoning the theft Justin tried to be even handed about the incident. ‘…it gives an idea of the relativity of values, you know, of life itself, how it’s a primitive and basic thing to have food when you’re hungry; your stomach needs food’. And so, perhaps Les had learned from bitter experience that you ate what you could, when you could. 




Les Dixon, Oflag XXB, Schubin. Courtesy David Archer. 

Treats were important and made Kriegie life better. Syd Wickham didn’t record the arrival of the welcome American parcels for Christmas 1944 but he did remember that season’s special treat. With the temperature down to minus 15 degrees, it was just right for making ice cream. ‘With Christmas a day away, we made a thick mixture of powdered milk and water, threw in a little sugar, very little, and mixed it up in our water jug.’ Then, they packed the jug in ice, in their coal box and left it outside the window. After it started to freeze, the denizens of East Compound’s ‘Australia House’, all took it in turns to beat it up into an aerated mixture, which, happily for the hungry crew, increased the quantity. Then, left outside overnight, voila! ‘Ice cream—of sorts’.



Klim (milk reversed) powder: an essential ingredient for Kriegie ice cream. Lifted from the web but I forgot to save the reference. Sorry.

Despite depleting their store cupboard, ‘Australia House’ still managed a Christmas cake—of sorts. On the big day, Tom Walker crushed up some soda biscuits and mixed the crumbs with raisins, condensed milk and any other ‘delectable items’ they could scrounge. Along with items from their normal half parcel, ‘the meal looked good’. Sadly, Syd didn’t have a chance to savour it. The water pool had frozen over beautifully and so Les and Syd decided to don their ice skates before dinner. ‘I was twirling about trying something fancy or just putting on an act with plenty of room to move as we were the only two there, when a couple of fighter aircraft flew low overhead.’ Les saw them and cried out ‘look!’ Syd glanced up quickly, over-balanced and fell flat on his face. The next thing he knew, he was sitting on the edge of his bunk, skates still on, with a grazed and bleeding nose and split and swollen lips. He was in such a state that he didn’t feel like eating, and ‘so I sat and watched my roommates eat their Christmas Dinner’. Happily, they didn’t scoff all of it. They saved Syd’s share, ‘but it was days before I could eat it.’



Les Dixon and Tom Walker, Oflag XXI B, Schubin, 1942. Courtesy of Anne O’Byrne.





Syd Wickham and Justin OByrne, Oflag XXI B, Schubin, 1942. Courtesy of Anne O’Byrne.

As Syd recovered from his non-combat wounds, others displayed more success on the ice rink. After having ‘a very good Christmas here despite being behind the wire’, Colin Phelps noted that ‘the big ice rink is in full swing and we had music from an amplifier’. So popular had the rink become that, three days after Christmas, ‘there was skating while it was snowing’. There was also a ‘small fun fair using cigarette currency. I won seven hundred on a horse race’.



Colin Phelps, Stalag Luft III, 1944.

As his first Christmas in captivity loomed, North Compounds Alec Arnel was looking homewards and, on 11 November 1944, imagined that his school teacher sweetheart, Margery, would be ‘thinking of Xmas and a well-earned vac[ation]’. His thoughts then returned to Stalag Luft III and a Christmas with few of the trimmings. ‘Mmmm. I could go for a turkey and plum pud in a big way. Talking about pud our parcel shortage has called for ingenuity in the cooking department. One outcome is a Reich-bread pud which has to be seen to be believed. However it helps to fill the aching void.’ But an empty stomach was not the only void he felt. ‘Merry Xmas dear girl. Maybe there will come again a day when the world no longer lies between us at Xmas-tide.’ Alec ‘expected little in the way of Christmas cheer’ and a few weeks later was overwhelmed at his ‘amazing good fortune of receiving nine letters—and what is more important five of them were from the girl with the laughing eyes. These were my first letters in Kriegiedom’—he had been captured on 29 June 1944—and were all forwarded on from my squadron’. Christmas in a prisoner of war camp could never be like it was a home. Even so, the Kriegies did their best and, ‘on Xmas eve we held special church services and sang again the old carols. Our minds wandered far away and nostalgia caused this Xmas to be the quietest most reflective I have ever known’.




Alec Arnel with 451 Squadron Hurricane. Courtesy of Alec Arnel.

Ronnie Baines of North Compound, who had been captured on 18 November 1942, did not expect wonders from his third Christmas as a prisoner of war and, despite the long-term plans for the Messiah performance and the Christmas service, noticed that ‘very few prisoners made any attempts at a “Merry Xmas”’. He was not in a particularly jolly mood as he felt the pinch of the tight rationing. A typical December main meal—taken at 3.30 pm—consisted of two tins of salmon, some boiled spuds and cabbage, a packet of boiled prunes, boiled barley and milk and coffee split between eight men. By 11 December 1944, Ronnie was ‘feeling very hungry’ and was suffering a ‘terrific cold’. On the 23rd, they ‘received our parcels of food, American R[ed] C[ross] very good’ but, with their ‘tin turkey and pudding, sweets and a lot of junk’, they were both ‘too luxurious’ and not adequate. ‘No milk, sugar or biscuits, consequently our hopes of a big meal on Xmas day have been squashed—however we do appreciate what we have.’ In the event, Ronnie’s Christmas dinner, consisting of a six ounce turkey each, a half-pound pudding and tea was ‘quite satisfactory’. No stomach aches for his mess but there was a noticeable downside. ‘Unfortunately the aftermath was no meat for the next 2 days’.



Ronnie Baines, Stalag Luft III, 1942. 

Ronnie Baines’ fellow prisoners may have expressed annual optimism that they would be home by next Christmas, but by the 27th, Ronnie was in a funk. ‘So another Kriegie Xmas passes, may even have another the rate the brilliant Allied leaders are charging into battle… Sometimes I wonder if we’re ever going to be released.’ Missing his wife, Irene, terribly and bemoaning the ‘miserable’ coal issue, Ronnie’s spirits hadn’t lifted by the end of the year. ‘Last day of 1944, a year full of big hopes and even bigger disappointments. New Year’s Eve passed uneventfully, no chirping around at all.’ 




Irene and Ronnie Baines’ wedding day, St Marks Church, Alexandria, Egypt, October 1942. Ronnie was captured on 18 November 1942. Courtesy of Stuart Baines.

Alec Arnel, perhaps feeling less ground down by captivity, had a more optimistic outlook. ‘Soon the New Year will replace the old. There is no doubt as to what my prayer will be. I think every soul who has been touched by war’s repulsive hand will cry “Peace!” 




Back in Australia, a young woman was desperately awaiting peace. Evelyn Charles’ sweetheart, Eric Johnston, had gone missing in action on 23 June 1944. Nothing more was heard from him. There was only silence. Despite having no idea whether Eric was alive or dead, she wrote to him on 29 September. ‘It seems years since I have written to you my darling, but I know that by the time this reaches England you will be there to collect it, it’s been a long time but good news is coming through slowly and I am sure that it will be your turn next. … You know dear I am still holding out great hopes of you being home for Xmas.’ Despite knowing she was ‘a bit crazy writing these letters when I haven’t any definite news of you sweetheart’, Evelyn sent another on 2 October because ‘I just know that you are all right and that by the time these reach their destination you will have arrived back safely’.




Eric Johnston, 31 WAG course c1942.

It was a terrible time for Evelyn and, despite her family and work colleagues, she felt alone. So many others had to bear the same grief of not knowing what had happened to their menfolk—all the wives and girlfriends and families of prisoners of the Japanese—and she felt she had no one to share her desperation. Although not overly religious, she was drawn to Melbourne’s St Paul’s Cathedral for comfort. ‘I used to walk in there and I used to sit in the back of the church. There’s always people there, no matter what time you went.’ But one day, while she was sitting quietly, thinking of Eric and hoping he would return safely, her attention was drawn to a couple sitting further up the aisle. ‘She was breaking her heart. Absolutely.’ Evelyn didn’t know ‘whether they were mourning someone or whether they were missing someone. Whether they were like me’, and waiting for news. She wanted to approach them but ‘I couldn’t—maybe it’s all over for them and maybe they know—I wish I could talk to them’ but the raw emotion was too much for Evelyn. ‘I couldn’t stand it. So I got up, I went to work. I had a hell of a day at work, and do you know, I never, ever went back.’ And she didn’t talk to anyone about her despair. ‘You did it on your own. You had to.’




St Pauls Cathedral, Melbourne. Lifted from the web but I forgot to save the reference. Sorry.


What Evelyn did not know was that, after Eric was downed, he had been assisted by the French and then betrayed. He had been sent to Beauvais, Fresnes and finally to Buchenwald Concentration Camp. Somehow, the Luftwaffe discovered that 168 allied airmen had been incarcerated there in appalling conditions. After two months in Buchenwald, the Luftwaffe secured their transfer and Eric arrived in Stalag Luft IIIs East Compound on 20 October 1944. It took a while for details to filter through official channels and, just before Christmas, Evelyn heard that Eric had been located. But she didn’t experience elation. ‘I don’t know that I felt anything. I was numb. It was lovely, he’s a prisoner of war. Fine. But is he still alive? Haven’t heard from him.’ And she still didn’t hear from him. ‘He didn’t write. They couldn’t write. I never got any mail from Eric. Not after he was shot down. Oh no, nothing.’ And then, on 30 May 1945, she received a telegram from Eric. ‘Repatriated to England … Am well and fit fondest love darling.’




Courtesy of Evelyn Johnston. 

The war in Europe was over. The Australian airmen prisoners were liberated. Soon they came home and grand welcomes were held for them. Melbourne’s on 10 September for homecoming airmen, including 140 former prisoners of war, was particularly memorable. During a ‘triumphal procession’ the men were treated like celebrities and cheering crowds rushed the cars. ‘The airmen found themselves shaking hands, being kissed and patted, and congratulated while girls begged for sprigs of wattle from the airmen for keepsakes and as the cars moved off again the girls ran alongside still waving and cheering’.




The Argus (Melbourne),Tuesday 11 September 1945.

The formal reception was at the Melbourne Cricket Ground and Evelyn was there with Eric’s family. She broke away from his parents—they weren’t as fast as she was—and ‘ran up an incline to get up to where … all the boys were’. And then she saw him. And she can still see Eric, over 70 years later. ‘That was a day I’ll never forget. I can see it happening. I can relive it—I only have to shut my eyes and I can relive every second.’ They ran to each other and hugged and hugged, and laughed and cried. ‘There was quite a lot of family there to welcome him home’, but Evelyn was blind to them. ‘Don’t ask me who was there—I didn’t see anybody but Eric. … Didn’t see anybody.’ So intense was her joy at seeing her sweetheart again that ‘I don’t remember when I got to the point of allowing his Mum and Father to say hallo to him. I don’t. Really don’t. I must have, or course. I don’t remember.’ All she remembers is the elation of reunion and ‘the best day of my life’.



The Sun News Pictorial. September 1942. Courtesy of Evelyn Johnston.

A couple of weeks after Evelyn and Eric’s reunion, Bert Comber, who went straight to North Compound after arriving from Italy, wrote to his niece, Mary, from Shrewsbury in Shropshire.Just now I am paying farewell calls to all of the friends I have in this country’ because he hoped that he would soon be on his way back home. He regretted how much he had missed both as an operational airmen and a prisoner of war. ‘While I have been away, your Mummy and Daddy have been sending me pictures of you all and I have noticed how my four little nieces have grown since I left home—Uncle Albert has missed so many of your birthdays and so many Christmases too’. But he hoped that 1944 would be the last Christmas away from his sister Win and her family, and told little Mary that he ‘will be home for this Christmas, and for all of them after that’. But on 10 October 1945, when he should have been ‘on the high seas bound for home’ he wrote to Win to say that ‘the ship I was to go on has been delayed until about 20 October because of the extensive strikes in the shipping world over here. At the moment there seems very little prospect of having these disturbances settled and sometimes I become a little alarmed about not getting home for Xmas—though it is most unlikely that I shall be delayed that long’. His departure was then delayed until 27 October. ‘There have been no departures since 27 September and I am now booked to go on 4 November and to arrive home about 5 December. We have been promised that all Aussies will be home before Xmas’. He didn’t really know whether to believe it or not. ‘The authorities over here have never been able to be really sure however about plans made ahead—such plans have gone astray so often because of complete uncertainty and sudden changes in the shipping position. But they are sure, they say, that things from now on will go according to plan.’




Bert Comber, Stalag Luft III, 1943. 

But things didn’t go quite to plan for Bert. Sometime in October, he met and fell in love with Eve. They married on 1 November and shortly afterwards, he finally embarked for Australia, and celebrated Christmas on board the Athol Castle. He arrive in Melbourne on 3 January 1946, followed soon after by Eve.

Once back home, all former prisoners of war—including the Australian Kriegies of Stalag Luft III—tried to put aside their time as POWs with varying degrees of success as they embarked on their new, post-war lives.




Alec and Margery Arnel, Wesley Church, 8 October 1945. Courtesy of Alec Arnel.



Charles and Beryl Fry, 22 September 1945, Christ Church of England, Bexley, NSW. Courtesy of Pat Martin.  




Eric and Evelyn Johnston, 15 June 1946. Courtesy Evelyn Johnston.



Evelyn and Eric Johnston. Still in love. Taken from the documentary, The Lucky Ones: Allied Airmen and Buchenwald, released in 1994, 50 years after Buchenwald. 

I include a link for one of my favourite Christmas carols. It is a newish version of The Little Drummer Boy by my favourite singer and his Christmas guest, David Bowie. It includes a special wish for the peace that Alec Arnel called for, and which all of the men mentioned in this story—and their comrades—fought for.







https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ADbJLo4x-tk

Thursday, 3 November 2016

‘How deeply we feel his loss’: Condolences to William Mercer Catanach, on the death of his son, Jimmy.

I was privileged to visit the Shrine of Remembrance on 20 October 2016 to consult the James Catanach Collection as part of my PhD research on the responses to captivity of the Australian airmen of Stalag Luft III and their next of kin. The below is a reflection on one particular item in the collection. It does not include specific details of Jimmy Catanach’s background, military service, life in Stalag Luft III, participation in the Great Escape or death. Some of those details appear briefly in http://australiansinsliii.blogspot.com.au/2015/02/70th-anniversary-of-great-escape.html     


Jimmy Catanach. Lifted from http://alchetron.com/James-Catanach-777142-W  

It seems that in this modern world, penning a condolence note to someone who has experienced a bereavement is something we cannot do from our own heart. We have to turn to websites such as http://www.quickcondolence.com/200-condolence-examples to provide a sample of ‘heartfelt’ messages. There was no need for any ‘pick-your-condolence’ aids back in the first half of the twentieth century. With the number of Great War deaths and seemingly never ending casualty lists in the Second World War, men and women were much practised in writing sensitive and comforting words to their grief stricken friends and acquaintances.

William Catanach was no stranger to grief. His son Peter had died in 1923. But, once he had accepted that Jimmy had been taken prisoner by the Germans in September 1942, he would have felt relief and comfort that his son was out of action. Certainly, it seems as if Jimmy’s brother Bill felt this way. One clipping in the scrapbook recorded how Bill showed the journalist a copy of Air Board’s letter advising that Jimmy had been confirmed as a prisoner of war. Apparently declaring that the letter was ‘the finest he had ever received’, the reporter passed on Bill’s hopes that other parents might ‘have their days of anxiety cut short with similar messages’. Looking back over the past months, one of William’s friends indicated that such knowledge was a comfort: ‘at least he was safe and you could only pray for the quick ending of this awful war, knowing that as soon as it was over Jimmy would come back to you and to all those he loved and loved him’.

But Jimmy did not return and Scrapbook Two in the Shrine of Remembrance’s James Catanach Collection contains a number of documents expressing condolence. These include ones from Jimmy’s former headmaster and his wife (who always wrote to Jimmy on his birthday), Margaret Culley of Narrandera one of Jimmy’s friends (‘almost a stranger’ to William who Jimmy perhaps met while he was training at No. 8 Elementary Flying Training School, Narrandera, NSW) and Flying Officer Don Rutter, who asked that William accept his ‘sincere sympathy for your very very sad news about Jimmy. I think of you and friends of Jim’s every day’.


Don Rutter. Taken from NAA service file A9300, Rutter D H

(Donald Hemphill Rutter, one of Jimmy’s fellow Geelong Grammarians, wrote to William while convalescing from serious injury in a motor accident. Well known to the Catanach family, he asked Mr Catanach to ‘please give my love to Mrs Catanach’ and ‘all of the very best to you’. After a number of months, he was declared fit to return to operational service and rejoined 247 Squadron RAF. He was killed in operations over Germany on 5 April 1945.)

Scrapbook Two reveals that William Catanach’s first condolence was from the Minister for Air and Air Board on 17 May 1944. I doubt, however, if the expression of ‘profound sympathy’ sank in because it followed the terrible news that Jimmy had ‘lost his life … while attempting to escape from confinement as a prisoner of war’.

The telegram—sent to William’s home—is neatly pasted into one of two scrapbooks held in the James Catanach Collection. Although the Collection does not record the name of the compiler (it is noted as ‘creator unknown’) I speculated elsewhere that this album—Scrapbook Two—was created by William Catanach because the condolence messages mounted in it are addressed to him alone (though his wife is mentioned in passing in one of them). http://australiansinsliii.blogspot.com.au/2016/11/the-james-catanach-collection-musings.html

Rather than look at all of these messages of sympathy, I will focus on only a small handful.

The first, addressed to William’s workplace—Catanach Jeweller’s in the Royal Arcade—is a telegram from Malcolm McEachern, who winged it off almost as soon as he heard the tragic news of Jimmy’s death: ‘Deeply shocked terrible catastrophe extend sincere sympathy will await your instructions’. This was no hollow, social, ‘let-me-know-if-I-can-do-anything-for-you’. McEachern had known Jimmy well and had been acting in loco parentis as Jimmy’s British next of kin for parcels and immediate contact for some time.


Malcolm McEachern. 
Lifted from https://i.ytimg.com/vi/lYSTP3il7Co/maxresdefault.jpg

Albury-born McEachern had enjoyed a successful musical career in both Australia and the United Kingdom as a bass singer and concert soloist. (For a sample of his vocal talent, check out Devonshire Cream and Cider, recorded in 1934 on you tube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zToWL1m8yO0 He was also well known as Jetsam, from the popular musical comedy duo, Flotsam and Jetsam. Jimmy first met McEachern and his wife, Hazel, when he visited their home with his friend Maurice Martel, with whom he had trained in Australia. Various hospitality schemes had been established to ensure allied servicemen without the benefit of UK-based family and friends could enjoy home comforts during leave. In this case, however, Jimmy’s connection with the McEacherns began not under the auspices of one of those schemes but because they had known Maurice for many years. After Maurice lost his life in March 1942, Jimmy continued to visit. ‘We loved Jimmie’, Hazel later wrote to William. We ‘thought him one of the grandest boys we had ever met—there were many happy times when he & his friends came to the house’. 

McEachern was photographed standing next to Jimmy during a recording for the BBC’s ‘Anzac Hour’ on 24 July 1942; a photographer was present and The Sun’s 7 October 1942 captioned photo has been pasted into Scrapbook Two. The Collection indicates that McEachern played an important role in alleviating some of the rigours of Jimmy’s captivity: shortly after arriving at Dulag Luft Jimmy told his father: ‘Dad you are my Next of Kin but I will ask Malcolm to send the little allowed clothing etc. as it is easier for him. You had best work through him if you will’. (A copy of this letter is held in the James Catanach Collection.)

Jimmy is left of the microphone and Malcolm is to the right. Lifted from the Australian War Memorial picture collection: https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/SUK10345/

Acknowledging the distance between Australia and England, many prisoners of war appointed family or friends to be their designated British next of kin for clothing parcels. These caring supporters in no way supplanted Australian family. They simply facilitated the flow of essential comforts to the prisoner, even as they provided another important source of outside contact and stimulation to help ameliorate stultifying confinement. In all, the McEacherns sent three comfort parcels to Jimmy via official Red Cross channels.

Thoughtful recipients of UK next-of-kin assistance appreciated the strictures of rationing and the cost of assembling a well-stocked parcel. Jimmy was not the only one who entreated his family to send chocolate and other items so McEachern ‘can send it on as allowed’. Assuming they had the coupons, the McEacherns could well afford any treats that would make Jimmy’s life in captivity easier but in asking his family to send items to the McEacherns, Jimmy was offering a courtesy that no doubt the McEacherns would appreciate. It also reinforced that his own family had not been asked to surrender their role of his chief supports.

McEachern not only took his next-of-kin role seriously, he embraced it further. The next item in this section of Scrapbook Two is not another condolence but a note from McEachern who represented William at the 20 June 1944 memorial service for the fifty shot airmen at St-Martin-in-the-Fields. ‘It was all beautifully done and I felt honoured to be your representative’. McEachern’s shock at the circumstances of Jimmy’s tragic death had not abated: ‘Everyone is distressed at this dreadful act’.

As indicated by an airgraph letter from Hazel McEachern which has also been pasted into the album, the McEacherns also fulfilled another next-of-kin role. (Postmarked 21 May, the position of this in the scrapbook indicates that it was received after McEachern’s 21 June note.) ‘With sad hearts’, wrote Hazel, ‘we are today gathering together Jimmie’s valuables & sending them to you by registered mail’. Those items included a wrist watch and travel clock, which are both held by the Shrine. The former, inscribed to ‘J Catanach 400364 with love from Dad’ was a 19th birthday present (dated 28 November 1940 while Jimmy was at 8 EFTS, Narrandera). It seems Jimmy considered it too precious to take when 455 Squadron transferred to Russia. Or perhaps, knowing that the Russian destination was just beyond their maximum fuel range, it was one of the nonessential items that had to be left behind to minimise weight on an already overloaded aircraft. The clock, engraved to ‘JIM from Dad, 28.11.42 “Cheerio”’, was clearly a 21st birthday present but it is highly likely that, by the time it arrived in England, Jimmy had been in captivity for some weeks, so probably never saw it.





Jimmys 19th birthday watch on display in the Shrines James Catanach exhibit, along with his Distinguished Flying Cross and epaulette rank slide. Photos courtesy of Drew Gordon.

(A brief aside. Jimmy was not without a watch in Stalag Luft III. Before the Great Escape, he wore a Catanach’s branded Cyma Watersport. Like the 19th birthday gift, Jimmy’s name is engraved on the reverse, but this watch bears no date. None of those embarking on the Great Escape could afford to carry items that would contradict their forged identities and so, Jimmy passed his watch to Roy Nielsen, a Norwegian Spitfire pilot, for safe keeping. Seventy years later, Nielsen’s family visited the Stalag Luft III museum, indicating that they wanted to return to watch to Jimmy’s family. They soon made contact with the Catanachs via the jewellery shop and the watch finally made its way back to Australia. It now takes its place in the Shrine’s James Catanach Collection. Both it and the 19th birthday watch are on display.)





The watch Jimmy left behind in Stalag Luft III which was later returned to Australia. Photos taken when Roy Nielsen’s family visited the Stalag Luft III museum in 2014. Courtesy of Marek Lazarz.

Bundling up effects to send to Jimmy’s parents was a melancholy task for Hazel McEachern but it was a responsibility she and her husband undertook willingly. As well as offering comfort to the Catanachs knowing that Jimmy’s effects were taken care of, it helped assuage the grief the McEacherns felt for the loss of Jimmy. ‘We deeply mourn the loss of these brave lads to whom we owe so much’. (Hazel’s mourning would continue. Malcolm would soon be diagnosed with cancer of the oesophagus and die on 17 January 1945 after an operation. Their only son, Lieutenant Robert Malcolm McEachern of the Royal Armoured Corps, would die in Germany two months later.)

Jimmy’s insistence that he maintain regular contact with Malcolm McEachern raises some interesting speculation. I have written elsewhere how fellow Great Escaper Albert Hake dropped some very large hints to his wife Noela that his circumstances were about to change. http://australiansinsliii.blogspot.com.au/2016/05/43-years-albert-hake-australian-in.html It seems Albert was not the only one. 




Fellow Australian Great Escaper, Albert Hake. Photo courtesy of the Preen Family

Albert’s escape partner, New Zealander Johnny Pohe wrote a letter to his family in February 1944 asking that his uniform be cleaned. He followed up with another asking for progress because he ‘might be using it soon’. The James Catanach Collection does not contain Jimmy’s last letter home but in his last letter to McEachern he reported that he was looking forward to leaving Germany and hinted that it might be in the very near future: ‘Get my suit pressed’. It seems that these were just a handful of the letters full of broad hints making their way through the German postal system because, on 23 May 1944, the Adelaide Advertiser reported that ‘Nazis warned by letters. Prisoners’ hints of escape’. Apparently there were so many of them that, according to the Advertiser’s Special Representative in London, ‘it is believed that the Gestapo redoubled its watchfulness on airmen prisoners at Stalagluft Camp 3’ as a consequence. While not drawing a link between letters out and Gestapo watchfulness, Melbourne’s The Argus reported similar extracts from letters, including Jimmy’s. While the Advertiser article is not in Scrapbook Two, The Argus one is, and I wonder if William Catanach—and indeed the McEacherns—ever contemplated the possibility that Jimmy may have unwittingly contributed to his own death.





While not family members, the McEacherns acted as pseudo family members—as honorary family—and, as such, can be considered as part of William’s ‘fictive kin’ network of support. Another member of that network was Ralph Anderson, brother of George Robert ‘Bob’ Anderson, Jimmy’s navigator who been captured at the same time.

Bob and Jimmy had more than just a good working relationship. They ‘had an affection for each other formed mostly under extremely dangerous conditions’. Ralph and his family ‘in turn looked upon that friendship with a very sincere regard’. It also presented them with an obligation—or happy duty—to reach out to the Catanachs in friendship and support at an early stage.

The Collection reveals Ralph sent the Catanachs a copy of an extract from Bob’s first letter to Ralph, written on 29 December 1941, shortly after he commenced operations, so Jim’s family could get a sense of what life was like on an operational squadron (and perhaps what life was like with Jimmy as a captain of their bomber aircraft). In his first letter home from Stalag Luft III, Jimmy recorded that he was ‘quite comfortable. We are 8 in a room and do our own cooking and are very thankful for comforts of the Red Cross as added luxury. Tony Gordon [a fellow trainee in Australia who had been posted to 455 Squadron before Jimmy and had been captured on 7 November 1941] is here and very well, Bob Anderson too’. 




Room mates, Tony Gordon (left) and Jimmy Catanach (right) shortly after Jimmy arrived in Stalag Luft III. Tony had arrived a few weeks earlier. 
Photo courtesy of Drew Gordon.  

No doubt it would have been a comfort to the Catanachs that, even if Jimmy was a prisoner of war, at least he had his friends with him. Perhaps the Andersons felt the same way and all looked forward to the day when their ‘boys’ would be released.




Members of No. 455 Squadron RAAF, April 1942. Bob Anderson is second from left, and Jimmy is third from right. Lifted from the Australian War Memorials picture collection:  https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/SUK10124/

Anderson’s letter, written the day after William Catanach received the appalling news, noted that ‘the shock of Jimmie’s death in Germany has filled my family and me with the utmost sympathy for you and yours. Words are useless at present but I do want you to know how deeply we too feel his loss’. Anderson may not have had the gift of glibness, but his ‘utmost sympathy’ was accepted and preserved in the scrapbook and the extract from Bob’s earlier letter was also saved and is held in the Collection.

Thomas White, Great War pilot and former politician, also penned a condolence letter. At the outbreak of the Second World War, he joined the Citizen Air Force and, taking leave from parliament in April 1940, accepted an appointment as commanding officer of the newly established No. 1 Initial Training School at Somers, Victoria. Jimmy commenced there on 18 August 1940. Their acquaintance was renewed when they met during White’s visit to 455 Squadron during his tenure as commanding officer, RAF Station, Brighton. White once flew as ‘a spare observer’ in Jimmy’s Hampden and Jimmy wowed him with his flying skill. (Details of this is included in White’s ‘An RAAF Bomber Squadron in Britain’, a copy of which has been preserved in Scrapbook One. There is another loose copy within the Collection.)




Wing Commander Thomas White, March 1942.  Lifted from Wikipedia   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_White_(Australian_politician)

White told William Catanach that ‘at Somers and in England I was glad to be associated with, and developed an affection for him’. So close had he become that he felt ‘almost as if I had lost a son myself, as I had such an admiration for his qualities and eager courage’. William may not have realised it beforehand, but Jimmy had so impressed White as an ‘outstanding type’ that he included the young pilot in his 1943 Sky Saga, a monumental poem which pays tribute to the Empire airmen.




Sky Saga. Authors copy 

(An aside along the lines of ‘you learn something new every day’. I had long recognised Sky Saga’s Blue Prescott as Bluey Truscott, Darrel Smith as Ray Thorold-Smith, the Irish Boy as Paddy Finucane, and LC Witham as Battle of Britain pilot, Latham Carr Withall, but until reading White’s letter, I had no idea that Jimmy Catanach had also found a place Sky Saga.)

Jimmy and his crew returned. Shelled soundly
On their circuit of the Ruhr. Dazed by searchlights;
Tracked by fighters. And once in depthless solitude
Among the silent peaks and valleys of the clouds,
Icing glazed their rushing wings. […]
Above the silent sea they found the ‘fix’ to bring
Them home… ‘Another jaunt to Happy Valley!’
Said Jimmy, ‘We kept our date though. That’s the thing!’


‘It is too unutterably sad to think that after all Jimmy had done and had endured, that he was not spared to see you again.’ White, who thought it ‘too cruel that he was not fated to return, to play an equally good part in peace as he has done in war’, understood only too well the drive to escape, the need to take any risk to be free from captivity. He too had been a prisoner of war, but he had successfully escaped from his Turkish prison camp in the last months of the Great War.

White was unforgiving of the Germans, and perhaps this reflected a similar sentiment in William Catanach which was later honoured by his wife. ‘I hope no pity will be extended to the merciless Huns responsible, who seemed to have forgotten that it is the obligation of an officer to endeavour to rejoin his comrades…’. On 14 October 1947, exactly six months after William’s death, Sybil received a letter from Elly Koester, the sister of Hans Kaehler, who was one of those accused in the war crimes trials of shooting Jimmy. Elly pleaded for Sybil to intervene on her brother’s behalf. ‘Dear Mrs Catanach—I now beg you is it your wish that my brother—who is honestly innocent—now must die?’ Still grieving over the loss of her husband and stepson (she continued to insert memorial notices ‘in loving memory of Jim’ in The Argus’s In Memoriam lists for some years) it seems Sybil was silent. It appears that ‘no pity [was] extended to the merciless Huns responsible’ and Kaehler was executed along with his surviving fellows (one committed suicide) in February 1948. (Elly’s poignant letter is on display in the Shrine’s James Catanach Exhibit.)




Photograph of James Catanach Exhibit, Shrine of Remembrance (POW section) by Vlad Bunevich, the Shrine of Remembrance, 26 October 2016. Reproduced courtesy of the Shrine of Remembrance. 
Elly Koesters letter is bottom centre.

White understood the tragedy of Jimmy’s death and appreciated the importance of imparting meaning to it. ‘Though such a heavy blow to bear, your grief will perhaps, in some ways be softened by the proud knowledge of what Jimmy had already achieved while so young, and to know that his name and memory will long endure as among the noblest of those who gave their all.’ (How little did White realise that Jimmy’s name would still be recognised and that his contribution would be honoured by the Shrine.)   
White was the father of four daughters. While he may not have experienced the father/son bond, he reached out to William Catanach as a parental equal: in Jimmy, he wrote, ‘I feel almost as if I had lost a son myself’.

White’s emotional letter was preserved in the scrapbook, as was that of a father who laid bare his own grief even as he attempted to condole with William. ‘My dear friend’, wrote Charles Martel on 18 May 1944. ‘I was very sad indeed to read in this morning’s paper that your dear Jimmie had died in Germany.’ Martel, a French wool buyer of Prouvost, Lebevre and Co and long term resident of Australia, understood bereavement. Like William, he had lost a wife—his Australian born wife had died in early January 1938—and he too had lost a son.

Maurice Joseph Martel and Jimmy had been friends. They had trained together at Somers under Thomas White’s command, and the Collection holds a photograph Jimmy and his fellow recruits of Hut 61 at Somers, including Maurice and Tony Gordon, one of his roommates at Stalag Luft III. Jimmy, Maurice and Tony went on to complete their elementary training at Narrandera, all participating in the ‘inspiring spectacle’ of 8 EFTS’s first graduation parade. Maurice was the course’s high flyer (pun intended). He received the highest aggregate at the examination and claimed the book prize. Tony was 6th in the order of examination passes and Jimmy was 11th. Maurice had shown such promise before his Hudson failed to return to base on 17 March 1942, during a patrol from RAF Station Wick in Scotland. (A small clipping noting that ‘Melbourne Flyer’ Maurice had been posted missing in action is pasted onto one of this album’s earlier pages.)  



‘A cold shiver ran through my spine, reopened a wound which has never and never will heal, that of my dear Maurice lying in his Bomber under the cold waters of the Norwegian coast’. Although confessing to envying William Jimmy’s safe exit from operations and eventual return, Charles could sympathise with a father who grieved as he did: ‘I know how you feel and what your thoughts are’. Charles recognised that William, like he, had been ‘frustrated of what you loved most’.

As someone who had experienced the same searing grief, Martel could entreat his ‘dear friend’ to be brave. Like Thomas White, he knew that the only way they could make sense of senseless deaths was to look at the contribution that preceded those deaths, and in doing so, place the deaths of their servicemen sons in the age old tradition of noble sacrifice: ‘His sacrifice has not been in vain. Soon Germany will be crushed for ever and on the day of victory you will only think that Jimmie, Maurice and thousands of others have pioneered the way to that victory.’ And rather than grieve for lost lives, ‘we can only thank them and be proud of them.’ Martel, however, knew that it would be difficult to move from sorrow to pride and so he closed his heartfelt condolence by entreating William to ‘believe me, dear friend.’

Perhaps William finally came to believe that his son’s death represented a noble sacrifice. Acting in her dead husband’s stead with the Imperial War Graves Commission, Sybil advised her choice of inscription for Jimmy’s gravestone in Poznan’s Old Garrison Cemetery: ‘His duty fearlessly and nobly done. Ever Remembered.’





War Graves Record Card. NAA A8231, 6/CATANAH JAMES World War II


Jimmy Catanachs grave, Old Garrison Cemetery, Poznan. Courtesy of Geoff Swallow, RAAF Deaths Photographic Archive of Headstones and Memorials WW2 

The Catanach family had an extensive network of family, friends, and business ties, evidenced both by condolence notices in The Argus and the James Catanach Collection’s Scrapbook Two. While I can’t state it conclusively, it seems that those mounted in the scrapbook represent only a small sample of the many the family received. Towards the end of the book, spanning 17 and a half columns over nine pages, is a list of names. There is no heading to indicate what the names represent and I can’t recognise all of them (some are just surnames), but judging by the ones I do recognise or can make out, I believe this is a list of condolences received. Some of the names that stand out for me are: Peter Isaacson DFC DFM, well known bomber pilot renowned for his exploits in Q for Queenie, as well as and his parents; Paddy Padula (Spitfire Paul Angelo ‘Paddy’ Padula of 452 Squadron); Wing Commander Thomas White DFC; John Lawson (adjutant of 455 Squadron who wrote the next-of-kin letter); Jack and Alan McAinsh, Jimmy’s mother’s brothers; H Fairchild and J Fairchild, relatives of Sybil Catanach; Margaret Cully of Narrandera; EM Anderson, Bob Anderson’s mother; 3AW; and popular singer and radio identity Jack O’Hagan. An Egan appears on the list and I wonder if it could be Richard Egan who was a fellow inmate of Stalag Luft III? Righetti also appears. Perhaps it is Alan Righetti, another fellow prisoner who recalled: ‘I did not know Jimmy Catanach when I first arrived in Luft III, but not long before the Escape, we saw a lot of each other, and shared many common interests. I was very envious of his ‘good luck’ when his name was drawn from the hat to go out through the tunnel, and my name was not!! My parents knew his when we lived in Melbourne.’ 

Clearly, the letters of sympathy pasted into this album do not represent all that the Catanach family received. So, where are the condolence notes to Mr and Mrs Catanach jointly (only Don Rutter asked after Sybil)? Where are the personal ones to Sybil, Jimmy’s loving and loved stepmother? Even if there was no place for Sybil’s correspondence in this album, why are her sympathy notes not found elsewhere in the James Catanach Collection? And above all, why have only these particular condolences and related items been singled out and preserved in an album that began as a celebration of aerial success but ended up as a memorial?

Male grief is often hidden from public view. Men grieve stoically and in silence. I believe that the compiler—I am sure it was William Catanach—preserved the items which best reflected and acknowledged his grief, which revealed something of his son, and which helped him make sense of a tragic and senseless loss. Compiling and maintaining the album was his way of expressing—making visible—the love he felt for his son. The letters he kept especially also demonstrate that he wasn’t alone in his grief. They reinforce his belief, that, at a time when the world was still at war with the allies in the ascendant, Jimmy’s death had helped bring about the defeat of the enemy.

The scrapbook celebrates and commemorates Jimmy Catanach’s service, achievement and death and is tangible evidence of a father’s love and loss. Through it we learn how much Jimmy affected those around him; we also learn how one person responded to Jimmy’s death.

So much family material relating to Jimmy has either been lost or is held elsewhere. As such, the James Catanach Collection cannot tell us everything we want to know about Jimmy’s life and service and impact on those who loved him. We do need to go elsewhere, reinforcing that no archive can represent the final word on any subject. Even so, this Collection is significant and Scrapbook Two has a particular importance. It endured for decades after 65 year old William Catanach’s death on 14 April 1947 following an illness of several weeks. It was treasured within the Catanach family before passing into the Shrine’s custody. While no doubt the memory of it is still cherished within the family, others can see the impact of Jimmy’s service, captivity and death. Preserving Charles Martel’s letter—and every other item in the James Catanach Collection—and placing it in with a public custodian has ensured that others will know that Jimmy’s death had meaning.


James Catanach. Authors collection 

I would like to acknowledge the assistance of the Shrine of Remembrance’s helpful staff who made my visit such an enjoyable, illuminating and moving experience: Jenna Blyth, Collections Manager, who facilitated my access to the James Catanach Collection, Neil Sharkey, Exhibitions Curator, for additional details about the collection, and Vlad Bunevich for the photo of the James Catanach exhibit. My thanks too, to Marek Lazarz of the Stalag Luft III museum in Poland for details about and the photos of Jimmy’s watch; Geoff Swallow and his RAAF Second World War Deaths photographic archive of headstones and memorials for the photo of Jimmy’s gravestone; and Drew Gordon for the close up photos of Jimmy’s watch in the Shrine’s James Catanach Exhibit and the photo of his father and Jimmy in Stalag Luft III.


I would like to note that this personal response to items in the collection is my own and may not reflect that of the Shrine of Remembrance.